The pope was taken aback by the success of his proposal. No
plans had been made for the prosecution of the crusade. Several important kings
of Christendom happened to be excommunicated at the time. Urban placed the
bishop of Le Puy in charge of the undertaking, and French nobles assumed
military control. The church’s entire organization was set to the task of
obtaining recruits, money, supplies, and transportation. In some regions, under
the spell of compelling voices, enthusiasm was extreme. Reports the chronicler
William of Malmesbury: “The Welshman left his hunting, the Scot his fellowship
with vermin, the Dane his drinking party, the Norwegian his raw fish. Lands
were deserted of their husbandmen, houses of their inhabitants; even whole
cities migrated.” Proudly the dedicated wore their red crosses or exhibited
scars in the form of the cross on their breasts.
The crusades began with grotesqueries, comic and horrible. A
band of Germans followed a goose they held to be God-inspired. Peter the
Hermit, a fanatic, filthy, barefoot French monk, short and swarthy, with a
long, lean face that strangely resembled that of his own donkey, preached a
private crusade – known as the Peasants’ Crusade – and promised his followers
that God would guide them to the Holy City. In Germany, Walter the Penniless
emulated Peter. Motley hordes of enthusiasts – having plucked Peter’s poor
donkey totally hairless in their quest for souvenirs – marched through Germany
and the Balkan lands, killing Jews by the thousands on their way, plundering
and destroying. The Byzantine Emperor Alexius sent them with all haste into
Asia Minor, where they supported themselves briefly by robbing Christian
villagers. They were caught in two batches by the Turks, who gave the first
group the choice of conversion to Islam or death and massacred the second
group. Peter the Hermit, who was in Constantinople on business, was one of the
few to escape the general doom.
The first proper crusade got under way in the autumn of
1096. Its armies followed several courses, by sea and land, to a rendezvous in
Constantinople. The crusaders’ numbers are very uncertain; the total may have
been as low as 30,000 or as high as 100,000. At any rate, the Byzantine Emperor
Alexius was surprised by the multitude and was hard put to find food for them.
He was also displeased by their character. He had asked for trained soldiers,
but he received a vast and miscellaneous throng of undisciplined enthusiasts
that included clergy, women, and children. Only the mounted knights made a good
military show, and even they behaved with Frankish arrogance. One sat down
comically on the emperor’s own throne. Alexius, swallowing his anger, offered
money, food, and troops to escort the expedition across Asia Minor. In return,
he asked an oath of allegiance for Byzantine territories the crusaders might
recapture. This was given more than grudgingly. Mutual ill will and scorn were
rife. Many high-hearted Franks vowed that the Byzantine allies were as much
their enemies as were the Turks.
In the spring of 1097, Alexius hustled his troublesome
guests out of the capital on their way through Asia Minor toward the Promised
Land. It was a dreadful journey. The Asian uplands were dry and barren; the few
local peasants fled before the invader, carrying with them their goats and
sheep and tiny stocks of grain. Hunger and thirst assailed the marchers. Accustomed
to the abundant water supply of their homelands, many had not even provided
themselves with water canteens. Knights marched on foot, discarding armor;
horses died of thirst, lack of forage, and disease; sheep, goats, and dogs were
collected to pull the baggage train. A part of the army crossed the Anti-Taurus
range in a flood of rain on a muddy path skirting precipices. Horses and pack
animals, roped together, fell into the abyss. Continually the Turks attacked
the column. Their bowmen, mounted on fast little horses, discharged a hail of
arrows at a gallop and fled before a counterattack could be organized. Their
devices were ambush, feigned retreat, and the annihilation of the enemy’s
foraging parties. Such hit-and-run tactics, new to the Westerners, shocked
their sense of military propriety.
The survivors came down to the Mediterranean at its
northeastern corner and found some reinforcements that had come by ship. The
fainthearts and the greedy revealed themselves. Stephen of Blois, brother-in-law
of one English king and father of another, deserted; but when he got home, he
was sent back, reportedly by his high-spirited wife. Peter the Hermit, who had
joined up, fled for good. Baldwin of Boulogne managed to establish himself as
ruler of the county of Edessa and was lost for a time to the great enterprise.
The main body camped before the enormous stronghold of
Antioch, which barred all progress south toward Jerusalem. An epic
eight-month-long siege ensued, enlivened by such bizarre interludes as the
appearance of the Byzantine patriarch hanging from the battlements in a cage.
Because of treachery within the walls, Antioch was finally taken in June 1098.
The Christian army then moved cautiously toward Jerusalem. By any modern
standards, it was a tiny force, numbering by then perhaps 12,000, including
1,200 or 1,300 cavalry. The invaders were shocked to find Canaan a stony,
barren land. There is an old Eastern story that at the Creation the angels were
transporting the entire world’s supply of stones in a sack, which burst as they
flew over Palestine. No milk and honey flowed in the gray gullies, not even
water. The blazing summer sun on the treeless plain came as a surprise. Men and
horses suffered grievously from the lack of shade. The sun smote down on steel
helmets, seeming to roast the soldiers’ dancing brains. Coats of mail blistered
incautious fingers until the crusaders learned to cover them with a linen
surcoat. Within the armor, complaining bodies longed to sweat, but in vain, for
there was no water to produce sweat. The soldiers were afflicted with
inaccessible itchings, with the abrasions of armor, with greedy flies and
intimate insects.
By the best of luck or by divine direction, the Turks were
at odds with the Arab caliphate in Baghdad, and the country was ill defended.
The crusaders made their way south by valor and by threat and bribes to the
Muslim garrisons. Finally on June 7, 1099, the army camped before the beetling
walls of Jerusalem.
Eyewitness, Foucher de Chartres tells the story of the
assault. “Engineers were ordered to build machines that could be moved up to
the walls and, with God’s help, thus achieve the result of their hopes. . . .
Once the engines were ready, that is the battering rams and the mining devices,
they prepared for the assault. Among other contrivances, they fastened together
a tower made of small pieces of wood, because large timber was lacking. At
night, at a given order, they carried it piece by piece to the most favorable
point of the city. And so, in the morning, after preparing the catapults and
other contraptions, they very quickly set it up, fitted together, not far from
the wall. Then a few daring soldiers at the sound of the trumpet mounted it,
and from that position they immediately began to launch stones and arrows. In
retaliation against them the Saracens proceeded to defend themselves similarly
and with their slings hurled flaming brands soaked in oil and fat and fitted
with small torches on the previously mentioned tower and the soldiers on it.
Many therefore fighting in this manner on either side met ever-present death. .
. . [The next day] the Franks entered the city at midday, on the day dedicated
to Venus, with bugles blowing and all in an uproar and manfully attacking and
crying ‘Help us, God!’ . . .”
Once the crusaders had taken control of the city, they began
to massacre the inhabitants. “Some of our men,” wrote the twelfth-century
chronicler Raymond of Agiles, “cut off the heads of their enemies; others shot
them with arrows, so that they fell from the towers; others tortured them
longer by casting them into the flames. Piles of heads, hands, and feet were to
be seen in the streets of the city. It was necessary to pick one’s way over the
bodies of men and horses. But these were small matters compared to what
happened at the temple of Solomon, a place where religious services are
ordinarily chanted. What happened there? If I tell the truth, it will exceed
your powers of belief. So let it suffice to say this much at least, that in the
temple and portico of Solomon, men rode in blood up to their knees and bridle
reins. Indeed, it was a just and splendid judgment of God, that this place
should be filled with the blood of the unbelievers, when it had suffered so
long from their blasphemies.
“Now that the city was taken it was worth all our previous
labors and hardships to see the devotion of the pilgrims at the Holy Sepulcher.
How they rejoiced and exulted and sang the ninth chant to the Lord. It was the
ninth day . . . The ninth sermon, the ninth chant was demanded by all. This
day, I say, will be famous in all future ages, for it turned our labors and
sorrows into joy and exultation; this day, I say, marks the justification of
all Christianity and the humiliation of paganism; our faith was renewed. The Lord
made this day, and we rejoiced and exulted in it, for on this day the Lord
revealed Himself to His people and blessed them.”
Soon after the capture, most of the army went home, having
fulfilled their vows. Godfrey of Bouillon, who had been chosen ruler of
Jerusalem, was left with only 1,000 or 2,000 infantrymen and a few hundred
knights to control a hostile land populated by Arabs, Jews, heretical
Christians, and members of the Eastern Orthodox Church. According to the great
historian of the crusades Stephen Runciman, the massacre at Jerusalem is
unforgotten. “It was this bloodthirsty proof of Christian fanaticism that
re-created the fanaticism of Islam.”
The crusaders set about strengthening their hold on the
country, constructing those gigantic, practically impregnable castles that
still fill us with awe. Little by little they acclimated themselves, learning
Arabic, adopting the sensible Oriental dress – burnoose and turban – and such
congenial local institutions as the harem. They married Armenian and other
local Christian women. Their children were brought up by Arab nurses and
tutors. In Jerusalem and the coastal cities nobles and merchants lived in fine
houses, with carpets, damask hangings, carved inlaid tables, dinner services of
gold and silver. Their ladies were veiled against the enemy sun; they painted
their faces and walked with a mincing gait. Before long a social class
developed of the native-born, the Old Settlers, at home in the East. They had
their good friends among the native gentry and would hunt, joust, and feast
with them. They took their religion easily, with a tolerant smile for the
excessive devotions of other Christians newly arrived in the East. They set
aside chapels in their churches for Muslim worship, and the Muslims reciprocated
by installing Christian chapels in their mosques. After all, when one can see
the Holy Places any day, one gets used to them.
To swell the ranks of the crusaders, mostly pious fighting
men of gentle birth, newcomers kept arriving from Europe. A young gentleman,
inspired for whatever motive to take the cross, had first to raise his passage
money, often by mortgaging his land or by ceding some feudal rights. He heard a
farewell sermon in his village church and kissed his friends and kinsmen
good-by, very likely for ever. Since the road across Asia Minor had become
increasingly unsafe, he rode to Marseilles or Genoa and took passage with a
shipmaster. He was assigned a space fixed at two feet by five in the ‘tween
decks; his head was to lie between the feet of another pilgrim. He bargained
for some of his food with the cargador, or chief steward, but he was advised to
carry provisions of his own – salt meat, cheese, biscuit, dried fruits, and
syrup of roses to check diarrhea.
For the devout young warrior willing to accept celibacy, a
career opened in the military orders, which were the kingdom’s main defenders
against the Saracens. The Knights Hospitalers had already been established
before the conquest as an order of volunteers caring for sick pilgrims in Jerusalem.
They took monastic vows and followed the Benedictine Rule, adopting as their
symbol the white Maltese cross. After the conquest, they became the Knights of
St. John of Jerusalem, owing obedience to the pope alone. Their hostel in
Jerusalem could lodge 1,000 pilgrims. Because they policed the pilgrim routes,
their interests became more and more military. In later centuries, they
transferred the site of their operation and were known as the Knights of Rhodes
and the Knights of Malta. Today their successors constitute a powerful Roman
Catholic order of distinguished key men, and in England, a Protestant offshoot,
which still maintains a hospital in Jerusalem.
The Knights Templars, the valiant red-cross knights, were
established in 1118, with their headquarters in the Dome of the Rock, which the
crusaders believed to be Solomon’s Temple. Their first duty was to protect the
road to Jerusalem. Soon both Hospitalers and Templars were involved in almost
every fray between the crusaders and the Saracens, acting as a kind of
volunteer police. The rulers of the Christian states had no control over them;
they had their own castles, made their own policy, even signed their own
treaties. Often they were as much at odds with other Christians as with the
Muslims. Some went over to Islam, and others were influenced by Muslim mystical
practices. The order in France was all but destroyed in the fourteenth century
by Philip IV, eager to confiscate the Templars’ wealth. Today the Freemasons
have inherited their name and ancient mysteries.
Another fighting monastic order was the Teutonic Knights,
whose membership was restricted to Germans of noble birth. They abandoned the
Holy Land in 1291 and transferred their activities to the lands of the eastern
Baltic. There they spread the Gospel largely by exterminating the heathen Slavs
and by replacing them with God-fearing Germans.
The active period of Christian conquest ended in 1144 with
the recapture by the Turks of the Christian county of Edessa. Thereafter, the
Westerners were generally on the defensive. The news of the fall of Edessa
shocked Europe. The great Saint Bernard of Clairvaux quickly promoted a new
crusade – the second. At Easter in 1146, a host of pilgrims gathered at Vézelay
to hear Bernard preach. Half the crowd took the crusader’s vow; as material for
making crosses gave out, the saint offered up his own gown and cowl to be cut
to provide more material.
Inspired by Bernard, the French King Louis VII decided to
lead his army to the Holy Land, and Louis’s mettlesome queen, Eleanor of
Aquitaine, determined to go along. Bernard went to Germany to recruit King
Conrad III for the expedition. On their way to Constantinople, both the French
and the German expeditions found themselves as welcome as a plague of locusts.
The cities along the route closed their gates and would supply food only by
letting it down from the walls in baskets, after cash payment. Therefore the
crusaders – especially the Germans – burned and pillaged defenseless farms and
villages, and even attacked a monastery. In Constantinople, the Germans were
received more than coolly by the emperor, who had come to the conclusion that
the crusades were a mere trick of Western imperialism.
Somehow the crusaders made their way across Asia Minor,
suffering heavy losses on the way. Although the armies and their monarchs were
bitterly hostile to each other, they united to attack Damascus; but the attack
was unsuccessful, and in their retreat, the crusading armies were largely
destroyed. The kings left the Holy Land in disgust, acknowledging that the
crusade was a total fiasco. Only Queen Eleanor had made the best of things
during the journey, carrying on a notorious affair with her youthful uncle,
Raymond II, prince of Antioch.
The Muslims continued nibbling at the Christian holdings,
and in 1187, they captured Jerusalem. Their great general, Saladin, refused to
follow the Christian precedent of massacring the city’s inhabitants. He offered
his captives for ransom, guaranteeing them safe passage to their own lines. The
news of Jerusalem’s fall inspired yet a third crusade, led by Philip Augustus
of France, Richard the Lion-Hearted of England, and Frederick Barbarossa of
Germany, who was drowned on his way to the East.
Warring nations often have a pet enemy – in the First World
War, Count von Luckner, in the second, General Rommel. To the crusaders,
Saladin was such a gallant foe. When he attacked the castle of Kerak during the
wedding feast of the heir to Transjordania, the groom’s mother sent out to him
some dainties from the feast, with the reminder that he had carried her, as a
child, in his arms. Saladin inquired in which tower the happy couple would
lodge, and this he graciously spared while attacking the rest of the castle. He
was fond of a joke. He planted a piece of the True Cross at the threshold of
his tent, where everyone who came to see him must tread on it. He got some
pilgrim monks drunk and put them to bed with wanton Muslim women, thus robbing
them of all spiritual reward for their lifetime toils and trials. In a battle
with Richard the Lion-Hearted, Saladin saw Richard’s horse fall, generously
sent him a groom with two fresh horses – and lost the battle. And when Richard
came down with fever, Saladin sent him peaches, pears, and snow from Mt. Hermon.
Richard, not to be outdone in courtesy, proposed that his sister should marry
Saladin’s brother, and that the pair should receive the city of Jerusalem as a
wedding present. It would have been a happy solution.
Though Richard captured Acre in 1191 (with the aid of a
great catapult known as Bad Neighbor, a stone thrower, God’s Own Sling, and a
grappling ladder, The Cat), he could not regain Jerusalem. He had to be content
with negotiating an agreement that opened the way to the Holy City to Christian
pilgrims. The third crusade marked, on the whole, a moral failure. It ended in
compromise with the Muslims and in dissension among the Christians. The popes
lost control of their enterprise; they could not even save their champion,
Richard the Lion-Hearted, from imprisonment when he was taken captive by the
duke of Austria, who resented an insult he had received from Richard during the
crusade. Idealism and self-sacrifice for a holy cause became less common, and
most recruits who went to the Holy Land were primarily looking for quick
returns. People accused the men collecting taxes to pay for a new crusade and
even the pope himself of diverting the money to other purposes.
In 1198, the great Innocent III acceded to the papacy and
promoted another expedition, the lamentable fourth crusade. Its agents made a
contract with the Venetians for the transport to the Holy Land of about 30,000
men and 4,500 horses. However, by embarkation day, the expeditionaries had
raised only about half the passage money. The Venetians, always businessmen,
offered the crusaders an arrangement: If they would capture for Venice the
rival commercial city of Zara in Dalmatia, which the Venetians described as a
nest of pirates, they would be transported at a cheaper rate. Zara was
efficiently taken, to the horror of Pope Innocent, for Zara was a Catholic
city, and its Hungarian overlord was a vassal of the Apostolic See. Now that
the precedent of a crusade against Christians was set, the leaders, at Venetian
urging, espoused the cause of a deposed, imprisoned, blinded Byzantine emperor,
Isaac Angelus. By restoring him to his throne, they would right a great wrong,
return the East to communion with the Roman church, and receive from their
Byzantine protégé men and money for a later conquest of Egypt. The pope was
persuaded to look on the project with favor, and the ships of the fourth
crusade set sail for Constantinople.
The noble city was taken by storm on April 12, 1204. The
three-day spree that followed is memorable in the history of looting. The
French and Flemish crusaders, drunk with powerful Greek wines, destroyed more
than they carried off. They did not spare monasteries, churches, libraries. In
Santa Sophia, they drank from the altar vessels while a prostitute sat on the
patriarch’s throne and sang ribald French soldiers’ songs. The emperor,
regarded as a wicked usurper, was taken to the top of a high marble column and
pushed off, “because it was fitting that such a signal act of justice should be
seen by everyone.”
Then the real booty, the Eastern Empire, was divided. Venice
somehow received all the best morsels: certain islands of the Aegean and
seaports on the Greek and
Asian mainlands. The Franks became dukes and princes of wide
lands in Greece and in Macedonia, where one still sees the massive stumps of
their castles. The papal legate accompanying the troops absolved all who had
taken the cross from continuing on to the Holy Land to fulfill their vows. The
fourth crusade brought no succor to Christian Palestine. On the contrary, a
good many knights left the Holy Land for Constantinople, to share in the
distribution of land and honors.
“There was never a greater crime against humanity than the
fourth crusade,” says Stephen Runciman. It destroyed the treasures of the past
and broke down the most advanced culture of Europe. Far from uniting Eastern
and Western Christendom, it implanted in the Greeks a hostility toward the West
that has never entirely disappeared, and it weakened the Byzantine defenses
against the rising power of the Ottoman Turks, to whom they eventually
succumbed.
A few years later, the crusading spirit staged a travesty
upon itself. Two twelve-year-old boys, Stephen in France and Nicholas in
Germany, preached a children’s crusade, promising their followers that angels
would guide them and that the seas would divide before them. Thousands of boy
and girls joined the crusade, along with clerics, vagabonds, and prostitutes.
Miracle stories allege that flocks of birds and swarms of butterflies
accompanied the group as it headed southward over the mountains to the sea,
which, however, did not divide to let them pass. Innocent III told a delegation
to go home and grow up. A few of the Germans managed to reach Palestine, where
they disappeared. The French party fell into the hands not of angels but of two
of the worst scoundrels in history, Hugh the Iron and William of Posquères,
Marseilles shipowners, who offered the young crusaders free transport to the
Holy Land, but carried them instead to Bougie in North Africa and sold them as
slaves to Arab dealers.
The melancholy tale of the later crusades can be briefly
told. Unable to recapture Jerusalem, the strategists tried to seize Egypt, one
of the great bases of Muslim power. In 1219, after a siege of a year and a
half, an expedition took Damietta, on one of the mouths of the Nile. But the
Christians were able to hold on to the city for only a few years. Again in
1249, Saint Louis invaded Egypt, hoping to retake it, but he was unsuccessful.
There were numerous attempts to recapture Jerusalem after it
had fallen to the Saracens. The Emperor Frederick II’s rather comic expedition
of 1228 resembled a goodwill tour rather than a crusade. The mood of the times
had changed. It now suited almost everybody to maintain the status quo. The
Muslims were threatened from the east by the Mongols under Genghis Khan and his
equally formidable successors; they wanted no little wars in Palestine. The
Christian Old Settlers had developed a thriving import-export trade in Oriental
goods, with merchandise brought by camel caravan to the coastal cities to be
shipped to Europe. They had enough of visiting zealots, who were eager to
plunge into furious battle, commit a few atrocities, break the precarious
peace, and then go home, leaving the Old Settlers holding the bag.
With want of enthusiasm, want of new recruits, want, indeed,
of stout purpose, the remaining Christian principalities gradually crumbled.
Antioch fell in 1268, the Hospitaler fortress of Krak des Chevaliers in 1271.
In 1291, with the capture of the last great stronghold, Acre, the Muslims had
regained all their possessions, and the great crusades ended, in failure.
Why? What went wrong? There was a failure of morale,
clearly; there was also a failure in military organization and direction. The
popes were no commanders in chief; the various allied armies were riven by
dissension; there was no unity of command or strategy in the rival
principalities of Palestine and Syria. The military means available were
insufficient to maintain the conquest; with the distance from European bases so
great, supply problems were insuperable. The armies were over-officered , for
the crusades were regarded as a gentleman’s game, and poor men soon ceased to
volunteer. And always there was the wastage caused by malaria, dysentery, and
mysterious Oriental diseases.
As the historian Henri Pirenne has pointed out, the crusades
did not correspond to any temporal aim. Europe had no need for Jerusalem and
Syria. It needed, rather, a strong Eastern Empire to be a bulwark against the
agressive Turks and Mongols; and this empire the crusaders destroyed with their
own swords. In Spain, on the other hand, the crusading spirit was successful
because it matched a political need.
It is easy enough for us to see that the early enthusiasm of
the crusaders was based on illusion. Long before the forms and phraseology of
the crusades were abandoned, disillusionment had set in. The character of the
later recruits changed. Many went out to the East to escape paying their debts;
judges gave criminals their choice of jail or taking the cross. After the
defeat of Saint Louis in 1250, preachers of a crusade were publicly insulted.
When mendicant monks asked alms, people would summon a beggar and give him a
coin, not in the name of Christ, who did not protect his own, but in that of
Mohammed, who had proved to be stronger. Around 1270, a former master general
of the Dominican order wrote that few still believed in the spiritual merit
promised by the crusades. A French monk addressed God directly: “He is a fool
who follows you into battle.” The troubadours and the minnesingers mocked the
church, and Walther von der Vogelweide called the pope the new Judas. There
were counter-crusades in France and Germany. The dean and chapter of the
cathedral at Passau preached a crusade against the papal legate; in Regensburg,
anyone found wearing a crusader’s cross was condemned to death. A pacifist
party arose, led by the Spiritual Franciscans. “Don’t kill the heathen; convert
them!” was their cry. At first the crusades had strengthened the church, but
eventually the papacy’s sponsorship of warfare came to undermine its spiritual
authority.
The effects of the crusades on the lay world were mixed.
Troublesome younger sons were packed off to the Holy Land so they could not
disturb the peace at home. The rising middle class benefited by lending money
to the crusaders and selling them supplies. Many a peasant and serf bought his
freedom from his master, who needed cash for travel expenses, and discovered a
new trade in the swelling cities.
The crusades coincided more or less with the West’s
rediscovery of the East. Traders, of whom the best known is Marco Polo, found
their way to the Mongol Empire in the Far East and organized a great
international business, both overland and seaborne. Eastern products became
common in the West – rice, sugar, sesame, lemons, melons, apricots, spinach,
and artichokes. The spice trade boomed; the West learned to appreciate cloves
and ginger and to delight in exotic perfumes. Eastern materials had a mighty
vogue – muslins, cottons, satins, damasks, rugs, and tapestries; and new colors
and dyes – indigo, carmine, and lilac. The West adopted Arabic numerals in
place of the impossible Roman system. Even the rosary is said to have come to
Christian Europe by way of Syria.
The crusades stimulated Europe’s economy. Trade became big
business as the new devices of banking and credit, developed during the period,
came into common use. Europe’s imagination was also stimulated, for the
crusaders gave rise to a rich vernacular literature, epic poems, histories,
memoirs. And the heroic ideal, however abused, possessed the Western
imagination and still lives there as the great example of self-sacrifice for a
holy cause.
